Wish Fulfillment in Mary Shellys Gothic Novel, Frankenstein Essay

Wish Fulfillment in Mary Shelly's Gothic Novel, Frankenstein Everyone stores hidden desires, ambitions, fears, passions and irrational thoughts in his or her unconscious mind, according to Freud's psychoanalytical theory. These secret feelings, often stemming from a person's childhood, can manifest themselves in odd and sometimes extreme ways. This phenomenon is called wish fulfillment. We do not always fully understand why we make the decisions that we do in life, but a certain amount of these choices can be accredited to wish fulfillment. Mary Shelly's gothic novel Frankenstein illustrates several accounts of wish fulfillment through the actions of Robert Walton and Victor Frankenstein in an effort to satisfy their various needs. Robert Walton was raised by his uncle after his father died. On his deathbed, Walton's father entreated his brother not to allow Robert to pursue a seafaring life. Robert instead became a poet so that he "might obtain a niche in the temple where the names of Homer and Shakespeare are consecrated" (Shelley 16). Unfortunately, Robert was very unsucce...

Collegial And Formal Type Of Leadership Concerning Head Teachers

This assignment consists of two parts. In the first portion, the theoretical accounts of collegial and formal type of leading are considered and compared to the caput instructor ‘s function to which the writer is familiar within the educational system of Cyprus. The caput instructor ‘s function will be analysed in both leading manners. In the 2nd portion, the writer concentrates on the premises made about the school organisation and its values with the collegial and formal types of leading. The assignment ends with a decision based on the writer ‘s apprehension of leading that emerges from a consideration of both theory and pattern in relation to these two theoretical accounts. Part 1 Harmonizing to Pashiardis ( 1995 ) the educational system in Cyprus has a bureaucratic construction and school principals are invariably seeking to fulfill the administrative officials instead than the demands of pupils and parents. Everything must be done in a pre-determined mode, which barely leaves any infinite for mistakes or gives leeway for divergence from the mainstream. This is the chief ground why the formal theoretical account of leading is being chosen. Most of the elements of direction tantrum into the bureaucratic construction of the Cypriot educational system. On the other manus, within the collegial theoretical account of leading the regulating organic structure of each school is free to put extra purposes and aims that would non merely profit the school community but besides the quality of the instruction offered. Collegial Model of Management Harmonizing to Bush ( 1995 ) and his collegial theoretical account, the purposes emerge from a participative procedure whereby staff reach an understanding based on common values. The leader in a collegial theoretical account believes that school staff should ever be a squad in order to be effectual and that everyone should be involved in all activities refering the school patterns. In this instance, all instructors should hold a common vision, set a mission and be cognizant of their function to guarantee the success of the academic endeavor. The elements of Collegial Model are the procedures by which ends are determined by the nature of determination procedure and the leading manner. The collegial theoretical account is based on understanding ends among the members of an organisation and nowadayss sidelong constructions and all members have the right to take part in the determination procedure. As Kaily P. ( 2010 ) wrote A «specific jobs can be addressed by different commissions which are appointed at the beginning of the school twelvemonth. These commissions consist of instructors harmonizing to their abilities and expertness. They undertake to turn to and work out jobs that arise during the school twelvemonth such as pupil subject by explicating a codification of behavior, force at school- bar and intervention, development activities for motive in acquisition, larning troubles and workaroundsA » ( Kaily P. E849 Web Activity 1, 2 November 2010 ) . Furthermore, Palli C. ( 2010 ) A «there is a shared leading and a c orporate sense of duty among the staff at her school. At the beginning of the school twelvemonth at that place was a deputation of functions and duties. Besides the instructors had the chance to choose the commissions they wanted to be members harmonizing to their interestsA » ( Palli C. E849 Web Activity 1, 3 November 2010 ) . The most positive facet of the Collegial Model is the fact that ends have already been agreed, ensuing to the possibility for the participant staff to concentrate and to accomplish the ends set. Everybody ‘s aspirations, expertness and capablenesss are taken into consideration and used in a manner that promotes the public assistance of the school unit. As Bennett ( 1995 ) has argued, cognition is an of import power resource. Sharing cognition in a collaborative manner requires a high grade of common trust and consensus. Formal Model of Management Looking into Bush ( 1995 ) the formal theoretical accounts of direction aver that aims are set at the institutional degree. Goals are determined by senior staff and the support of other instructors is taken for granted. Therefore, the activities of schools are evaluated in the visible radiation of these official intents. Furthermore, the organisational construction is regarded as nonsubjective world. Persons hold defined places in the organisation and working relationships are assumed to be strongly influenced by these official places. Formal theoretical accounts treat constructions as hierarchal with decision-making as a ‘top-down ‘ procedure. In contrast to collegiality, the features ofA the formal direction modelsA harmonizing to Bush ( 2003 ) A «heads haveA authorization because of their positionsA and areA accountableA for what they do to their patron they use anyA rationalA manner to accomplish goalsaˆÂ ¦A »A ( Bush, 2003, p.126 ) fits a batch to the Cypriot Educational System. Not merely do public schools but besides private 1s have debt-reduction direction programmes and everything must be centralized and economic systems of graduated table must be made. One is asked to yearly describe in beforehand how many pupils are registered for the undermentioned academic twelvemonth that the figure of instructors is reduced to the lower limit to salvage resources as Webb and Vulliamy ( 1996 ) reference A «in bureaucratism, efficiency, subject, control, reliabilityA is more importantA » ( Webb and Vulliamy, 1989, p.312 ) . Promotion is on the footing of seniorityA ( Bush 2003 ) more like a typical formal bureaucra tic Cypriot school. However, after a long waiting at the age of 40-55 one eventually leaves from the low-paying Cypriot private school and is employed by a ‘highly-benefiting ‘ Cypriot public school. When he/she gets employed in a public school, which will merely happen out merely a few yearss before the school twelvemonth starts, uncovering bureaucratism which is neither efficient nor dependable. Part 2 Harmonizing to Bush and Derek ( 2003 ) leading may be understood as ‘influence ‘ but this impression is impersonal in that it does non explicate or urge what ends or actions should be sought through this procedure. However, A «certain alternate concepts of leading focal point on the demand for leading to be grounded in steadfast personal and professional valuesA » ( Bush and Derek, 2003, p.4 ) . Wasserberg ( 1999 ) besides claims that A «the primary function of any leader is the fusion of people around cardinal valuesA » ( Wasserberg, 1999, p.158 ) . Furthermore, harmonizing to Gross ( 1985 ) values are generated externally to the person instead than being internal, personal creative activities. However persons play important function in set uping peculiar values with environments in which they live and work. Bush ( 1998 ; 2003 ) besides links A «leadership to values or aim while direction relates to implementation or proficient issuesA » ( Bush, 1998, 2003, p .324 ) Collegial theoretical account is interpinned by integrative and actuating values. Integrative values are those that serve to pull persons into collectivity and motivation values are those that shape single and corporate perceptual experiences of demands and involvements. The deduction of these values for leading function in the educational system in Cyprus could be justified since caput instructors normally encourage the staff to take portion in any decision-making process. In this certain values are agreed in the schools. Thus the personal sentiments of ( instructors, parents pupils ) are acceptable by others, differences and dissensions are shown in a democratic signifier. In add-on, coaction is promoted by caput instructors. Every instructor, parent, pupil has its personal demands and involvements. Head instructors try to assist all members in personal and professional troubles and offer ways in order for everyone to hold a function in the school. Furthermore, caput instructors pr omote trust and assurance among all members, make constructive remarks and promote staff to take part in educational seminars and other educational plans. The formal leading theoretical account combines largely regulative and directing values which seek to command the behavior of persons and groups. The equal chances and race dealingss statute law is enacted in many developed states. Such values are an of import portion of the policy procedure both nationally and within organisations. Whether we accept or reject person else ‘s value system is non the same as denying that it is a value which shapes their actions. This is one of the three different sorts of Gross ‘s ( 1985 ) classified values which influence different aspects of the school.A Although the ministry of Education and Culture directs schools on how to run, each school may develop its ain rules and values harmonizing to its peculiar demands and purposes. Under the counsel of the Head Teacher certain values have been defined for my school ‘s civilization like: Equal chances for all kids as an look of cardinal human rights, the development of pupils ‘ soc ietal accomplishments, democratic duologue in instance of struggles among the kids, the multi-dimensional betterment of kids ‘s personality, the importance of interaction with the external environment ( parents ) , and the pattern of multiple intelligences. All the above societal values are articulated within the school serve to pull persons into a formality. The manner that my school is managed promotes coaction and reduces conflict between staff. The caput instructor supports the attempts of his instructors and motivates them to portion and bring forth the school ‘s values. He helps instructors cope with the troubles encountered and promotes respect, democracy, honestness and trust. He encourages instructors to take portion in educational seminars and provides equal chances for engagement in determination doing seeking to follow democratic values. As Gross ( 1985 ) references â€Å" Persons play a important function in set uping peculiar values within the environments in which they live and work. Valuess are manifested in the actions people take, including the things that they say and the linguistic communication they use † ( Gross, 1985, p.47 ) . A Harmonizing to Sergiovanni ( 2000 ) , how we resolve a job relates to the extent to which our determination devising is dominated by the values of our life universe and our syst em universe. As he interprets, system universe should be interdependent with life universe ( the kernel of values and beliefs ) Decision In decision it can be seen that at that place has to be a leading manner which will integrate patterns from both manners of leading and which promote the development of the school through the engagement and engagement of all the staff members. A caput instructor ‘s function is to do the vision and the mission of the school known to his/her staff in order for the instructors with the right cognition and ability to be involved in the determination devising. Bennett, N. ( 1995 ) Pull offing Professional Teachers: in-between direction in primary and secondary schools, London, Paul Chapman. Bush, T. ( 1995 ) , 2nd edn, Theories of Educational Management, London, Paul Chapman. Bush, T. ( 1998 ) The National Professional Qualification for Headship: the key to effectual school leading? , School Leadership and Management, 18 ( 3 ) 321-34. Bush, T. ( 2003 ) , Theories of Educational Management, 3rd edn. London: Sage. Bush, T. And Derek G. , ( 2003 ) , School Leadership: Concepts and Evidence, Full study Spring, 2003 E849 Leading and Managing for Effective Education, Study Guide, ( 2003 ) , The Open University. Gross, F. ( 1985 ) , Ideologies, Goals and Values, Westport, CT, Greenwood Press. Kaily, P. E849 Web Activity 1, 2 November 2010 Palli, C. , E849 Web Activity 1, 3 November 2010 Pashiardis, P. ( 1995 ) , A «Cyprus principals and the catholicities of effectual leadership'A » , International Studies in Educational Administration, Vol. 23 No. 1, pp. 16-26. Sergiovanni 2000, Effective Educational Leadership, O.U. , Sage Wasserberg, M. ( 1999 ) , Making the vision and doing it go on, in Tomlinson, H. , Gunter, H. and Smith, P. ( Eds. ) , Populating Headship: Voices, Valuess and Vision, London, Paul Chapman. Webb, R. and Vulliamy, G. ( 1996 ) , The altering function of the primary caput instructor, Educational Management and Administration, 24 ( 3 ) , 301-15.

Is Russia a True Democracy - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 7 Words: 2220 Downloads: 5 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Politics Essay Type Argumentative essay Level High school Did you like this example? Is Russia a true democracy? Hague and Harrop (2013) argue that liberal democracy is a system with a representative and limited government that operates within an accepted framework for political competition between different political parties. Regular elections are based on universal suffrage and are free and fair where individual rights are respected (Hague and Harrop, 2013). Based on this definition, this essay will argue that Russia has the potential to become a true democracy, but in recent years it has become an illiberal democracy or a competitive authoritarian regime. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Is Russia a True Democracy?" essay for you Create order Levitsky and Way (2010) suggest competitive authoritarian regimes, or illiberal democracies, were competitive in the sense that they use competitive institutions to gain power. However, they use electoral manipulation and abuse state resources in favour of the incumbent regime (Levitsky and Way, 2010). This essay will explore how Russia has reached this stage from the formation of the 1993 constitution under Boris Yeltsin’s rule and how Vladimir Putin has transformed Russia into an illiberal democracy. Under Yeltsin’s rule (1991-99), Russia adopted a new constitution following a referendum in 1993 (Darlington, 1995). This is the constitution that Russia still uses to this day, though it has been amended since. Under this constitution, Russia has a bicameral legislature with a Federal Assembly, a Constitutional Court and a Duma, the latter being the lower chamber of their legislature (Hague and Harrop, 2013). The president is subject to impeachment to a great d egree under the Russian constitution, as the president needs a two-thirds majority in both parliamentary chambers plus confirmation by the courts, to ensure laws are passed (Hague and Harrop, 2013). Donaldson (2004) suggests that this was a time when Russia was strengthening its parliamentary and legal system. This constitution ensures that laws take precedence over presidential decrees, and the Duma played a significant part during the 1990s of resisting Yeltsin’s reforms (Hague and Harrop, 2013). Hague and Harrop (2013) praise Yeltsin’s rule as a time when Russia achieved substantial decentralisation of power. Hague and Harrop (2013) suggest that even under the changes to the Russian constitution Putin has brought in since the end of Yeltsin’s rule, Russia still has a more effective system of rule of law when compared to authoritarian China. Smith (2010) praises the 1993 constitution for ensuring that substantial legal reforms and new laws were passed to improve the legal system in Russia. The 1990s seemed like a decade where Russia could achieve true democracy because they established a constitution that allows the government to operate within a framework of limited government like in a liberal democracy. Following the election of Putin in 2000 to the present day, the situation in Russia has changed dramatically. Firstly, Putin successfully centralised power by acquiring the appointments of regional governments throughout Russia and he created, in 2000, seven extra-constitutional federal okrugs (districts) to oversee lower level units (Hague and Harrop, 2013). Though the 1993 Russian constitution has received praise for moving Russia towards a parliamentary and legal system, the constitution has an inherent flaw of allowing the president too much power as a guarantor of the constitution (Hague and Harrop, 2013). This flaw allows the president to be able to override legislation through decrees and dismiss ministers (Hague and Harrop, 2013). The purpose behind this centralisation was to ensure that these branches of the federal government remain loyal to Moscow and allowed the state to reduce dissent (Hague and Harrop, 2013). It seemed like Russia was now losing its potential to become a true democracy as Putin was beginning the process of strengthening the president’s power over Russia. This has led to Russia becoming a competitive authoritarian regime. This was only the beginning of things to come. Ross’ (2010) suggestion that Russia is a ‘unitary state masquerading as a federation’ (p.170) seems a more accurate way to describe Russia under Putin. Despite the work that Yeltsin made in the 1990s to ensure that the Russian constitution remained decentralised, Sharlet (2005) argues that there is now a gap between individual rights on paper and their realisation in practice since Putin came to power. Respect for individual rights are fundamental for a true democracy to exist, and this lack of respect for individual rights shows how much further away from a true democracy Russia has become under Putin to become a competitive authoritarian state. Throughout Putin’s time, the public have increasingly lost faith in the legal system and legal adjustments against the state have become increasingly difficult to enforce, particularly in the case of Russia’s richest oil oligarch, Mikhail Khodorkovsky (Sharlet, 2005). Khodorkovsky was arrested in 2003 for fraud, and again in 2010 for money laundering (Donaldosn, 2015). His trials received international condemnation for being politically motivated and for its lack of due process (Donaldson, 2015). Yet another distinguishing factor that contributes towards the growth of a competitive authoritarian regime in Russia under Putin is the lack of separation between the public and private sphere. Hague and Harrop (2013) argue that it is quite common in Russia for gangsters to participate in ‘free-for-all deals with the state’ and that ‘individual financiers pull the strings to fill their own pockets’ (p. 167). Putin even stated himself that he wants to decrease the degree of pluralism in Russia and how he wants ‘civil society to be adjunct to a strong state’ (Evans, 2005: p.112). For this reason, few promotional groups in Russia possess a mass membership (Evans, 2005). Despite this, Russia still has the potential to become a true democracy in allowing the promotion of business interests to the state and increase the amount of pluralism in Russia. As Peregudov (2011) argues, a network of business organisations has been established, and it is up and running. Yet, as Peregudov (2011) also highlights, the problem with this system is that it has received very little interest from Putin. It is little wonder that promotional groups in Russia do not possess a mass membership as they feel they have little influence under Putin, whic h demonstrates a further lack of true democracy in Russia. It is not just business interests that are penalised under Putin’s Russia. It is also opposition parties that receive barely any attention from the media and are put at a disadvantage by the state. As Hague and Harrop (2013) suggest, in a liberal democracy, there has to be a framework for competition between different political parties. Yet in recent years, this has not happened under Putin, which shows that true democracy is not prevailing. As McFaul (2005) argues, in Russia there is an absence of independence within the media as oligarchic ranks and regional elites reduced the freedom of manoeuvre for opposition parties and political candidates. A 2004 survey showed that eighty-two per cent of Russians watched television and twenty-two per cent read newspapers, which demonstrates the scope to which Putin can reach out to people (Oates, 2005). The significant problem with Russia’s media is that there are one-hundred laws governing media conduct and many journalists fear that whatever they publish, will ultimately lead to their deaths (Hague and Harrop, 2013). This proved to be the case when journalist Anna Piltkovskaya was murdered under suspicious circumstances in 2006 (Donaldson, 2015). The 2012 presidential elections, where Putin was re-elected, despite already serving two terms, demonstrated the fundamental weaknesses behind the Russian constitution (Donaldson, 2015). Putin received considerable protest after the count was manipulated to ensure Putin was re-elected (Hague and Harrop, 2013). This is what Levitsky and Way (2010) describe as ‘electoral manipulation in a competitive authoritarian regime’ (p. 3). This move has brought Russia closer to becoming a competitive authoritarian regime. Putin reacted to the growth in protest to his rule in 2012 from feminist punk band, the Pussy Riot, by imprisoning them and he restricted the amount of protests people are allowed to hold in Russia (Hague and Harrop, 2013). It is little wonder that people have little faith in political parties in Russia. As Huggins (2002) argues, crucial to a true democracy is that there is no limit to political participation. Russia has the worst levels of political participation amongst European nations with only one per cent of people in Russia members of political parties (Hague and Harrop, 2013). The 2011 parliamentary elections and 2012 presidential elections saw higher numbers of young people voting than in previous elections (Hague and Harrop, 2013). As White (2007) suggests, political parties seem to ‘come and go’ in Russia and this creates ‘a lack of party identification’ when compared to most parliamentary democracies (p. 27). The United Russia Party, founded by Putin in 2001, has dominated the Duma and the Federation Council since and won forty-nine per cent of the vote in the 2011 parliamentary elections (Donaldson, 2015). Levitsky and Way (2010) suggest that in competitive authoritarian regimes, the state abuses its power. The Kremlin used threats and bribes to ensure that this party was supported by Russia’s most powerful companies and regional governors (Hague and Harrop, 2013). This incident demonstrated that Russia possesses the characteristic features of a competitive authoritarian regime. In 2008, Putin stood down as president so that Dimitry Medvedev could take over as president (Donaldson, 2015). In a cynical move, the constitution was extended so that the president could serve for six years and decided to become president again in March 2012 (Donaldson, 2015). Vladimir Rhyzkov, a Kremlin opponent and former Duma deputy who lost his seat in 2007, said of the extension terms of 2008: ‘This is very negative. Today, the president controls parliament, senate, the regions, and the bureaucracy’ (Donaldson, 2015). Hague and Harrop (2013) argue that Russia cannot ac hieve what is close to a liberal democracy because real change cannot occur until Putin resigns. As Donaldson (2015) argues, Russia has become ‘influenced by the power and personality of one man; Putin.’ As Levitsky and Way (2010) argue, rulers tend to make the results in a competitive authoritarian regime. Twigg (2005) praises the improvements in policy-making made by Putin in 2005 that replaced the era of Soviet privileges (free or subsidised housing, transportation, medicine for students and patients) with cash payments. Despite this, policy-making in post-communist Russia remains subject to the requirements of the political elite and industrialists who pose a threat to the president find regulations invoked against them (Hague and Harrop, 2013). For example, in 2006, Putin provided his allies from state-owned oil companies with a greater share of the Sakhalin-2 oil field by rewriting the contract with Royal Dutch Shell (Hague and Harrop, 2013: p. 359). Theref ore, true democracy does not exist in Russia. Mikhail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union, summed up his views of the current situation in Russia in 2011: ‘We have everything- a president, a prime minister, courts and a parliament- but it’s more of an imitation’ (Donaldson, 2015). The culmination of these events has inevitably led Putin to distract attention from home by trying to restore ‘prestige and glory’ to the Russian nation through occupying Ukraine and the Baltic states to expand Russia’s territory (Donaldson, 2015). Therefore, true democracy will not exist under Russia whilst Putin is still in charge. Russia has moved towards a competitive authoritarian regime instead. The potential for Russia to become a true democracy certainly existed under Yeltsin with the construction of the 1993 constitution which laid out the powers of the Duma, the Constitutional Court, the Federal Council and the president. The Duma played a leading part in blocking many of Yeltsin’s reforms and Russia moved towards establishing an effective parliamentary and legal system at this time. However, since the arrival of Putin, the state has centralised power to a large extent. The problem with the 1993 constitution was that it allowed the president too much power as both head of state and guarantor of the constitution. Putin has abused this clause by acquiring appointments for regional governments. Putin has ensured that the media plays a significant part in guaranteeing his re-election through electoral manipulation and giving less air time to his opponents. It may not be until 2024 that the potential for true democracy to exist in Russia re-emerges. Bibliography Darlington, R. (2015) Roger Darlington. Available at: https://www.rogerdarlington.me.uk/Russianpoliticalsystem.html. (Accessed: 20th January 2015). Donaldson (2004) ‘Russia’, Journal of Legislative Studies (10) pp. 230-49. Evans, A. (2005) A Russian Civil Society. In: White, S., Gitelman, Z. and Sakwa, R. (eds.) Developments in Russian Politics. 6th edition. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 96-113. Hague, R. and Harrop, M. (2013) Comparative Government and Politics: An Introduction. 9th edition Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Huggins, R. (2002) Democracy and Democratisation. In: Axford, B., Browning, G.K., Huggins, R. and Rosamond B. (eds.) Politics: An Introduction. Abingdon: Routledge. Levitsky, S. and Way, L. (2010) Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War. New York: Cambridge University Press. McFaul, M. (2005) The Electoral System. In: White, S., Gitelman, Z. and Sakwa, R. (eds.) Developments in Russian Politics. 6th edition. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 61-79. Oates, S. (2005) Media and Political Communication. In White, S., Gitelman, Z. and Sakwa, R. (eds.) Developments in Russian politics. 6th edition. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, pp.114-29. Peregudov, S. (2001) The Oligarchical Model of Russian Capitalism. In: Brown, A. (ed.) Contemporary Russian Politics: A Reader. Oxford and New York, Oxford University Press, pp.259-68. Ross, C. (2010) Reforming the Federation in Developments. In: White, S., Sakwa, R., and Hale, H. (eds.) Developments in Russian politics. 7th edition. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, pp.152-170. Sharlet, R. (2005) In Search of the Rule of Law in Developments. In: White, S., Gitelman, Z. and Sakwa, R. (eds.) Developments in Russian Politics. 6th edition. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 130-47. Smith, A. (2010) Nationalism. 2nd edn, Cambridge: Polity. Twigg, J. (2005) Social Policy in Post-Soviet Russia. In: White, S., Gitelman, Z. an d Sakwa, R. (eds.) Developments in Russian Politics. 6th edition. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 204-20.